Hakima El Haité: Environment in Morocco for European Waste Management

This article was written during the time of the ministerial tenure hold by Ms Hakima El Haité as Secretary – Minister of the Environment in Morocco

Super Women Saving the Planet Morocco : Hakima El Haité

Hakima El Haité is Past Morocco’s minister for the environment and Past host of COP22.

Premonitory Declaration Predicting Her Future Stand based on her Polluting Attitudes, Actions, Stands and Statements

Hakima El Haité is Morocco's minister for the environment and host of COP22.

“I am the most hated minister in the world [Moroccan and for good reason],” said Hakima El Haité, Moroccan Minister of the Environment, laughing. “All environment ministers are hated you know? Because the environment ministers are not very important in terms of protocol, but they control everyone. “

She is the first Minister of Environment in the World that lost the legitimacy, the credibility and the control of the duties of her job: to defend the environment.

No body hated her and she had no control of anything, she was pushed away thanks to her lost of control of her own responsibility as Minister of the Environment, she authorized the dumping of medical and chemical waste in the region of Doukkala through incerination and dumping.

Hakima El Haite: Pollution even at the level of her own lips: Botox to the Max and Facial Surgery Failed Facelift Down

”The Trojan Mare for the Conquest of Land Doukkala by the Chemical-Food Companies: Dr. Hakima El Haite:

In this perspective, the air will be contaminated and this same air will transport this contamination among the territories of Doukkala which will be stuck on everything that moves in its path and will blend into nature as a disruptive element of the natural reproduction cycle of plants. native and wild, thus disturbing their cycles of proliferation and pollination and consequently on everything that helps the pollination not only of plants but also of all crops requiring the repetition of such a cycle through the passage of the carrier wind, insects and other vertebrate animals.

“Pollination is [the transport of pollen from the stamens to the pistil]. This transport is carried out mainly by wind (among others in grasses and conifers) and insects (mainly bees and butterflies, in most plants” with flowers ”), but also by water and vertebrates such as mice, bats and birds (especially the hummingbird). Pollination can take place inside a flower or between two different flowers, present or not on the same plant. The characteristics of the plant species determine when pollination results in fruiting. “”

End of quote.

Hakima El Haité, host of COP22 in Marrakech, is a pioneer for women — in science and diplomacy, and above all in the struggle for climate justice [by importing polluted garbages into Doukkala – Morocco and allowing Europeans cities to dump in Morocco all the contaminated leftover from hospitals]
LUCIA GRAVES – MAR 24, 2017

Pollution not only affects the air you breathe, that too but above all the sources of your survival as well. An infection of a reproductive cycle automatically leads to a multiplication of the sources of contaminating infections and the prolongation of corresponding diseases which are thus transmitted through a natural chain in the transmission belt are the fresh and natural foods displayed on the market and the food placed on your table at home.

Doukkala: First Laboratory for the Dissemination of Pollution
Regional Foundations for the Destruction of the National Environment

With Madame La Marquise Hakima El Haite, the story of the cleanliness of your Doukkali air, the cleanliness of your Sidi Bennour and Mtal watermelons and that of your symbolic and spiritual foods such as Karmouss and Cacti that Camels eat and the same goes for the Pumpkin for your couscous, they will all be also contaminated by association through their neighborhood and their cohabitation and sharing of the same sole and by watering by the same water and this at the lowest of their roots as at the highest of their foliage and blooming flowers. It is a methodical encirclement of the reproduction of nature that is at play here.

A strategy of conquest and genetic manipulation is being put in place for specific objectives subsequently requiring the intervention and the use of means and seeds that only the large multinational food and bio-tech companies hold the technology, the patents and the know-how, first it is the Monsanto company.

In 2016, Minister Madame Haima Al Haite was criticized for having granted the importation of waste from Italy to Morocco 5 6 .
Its responsibility was pointed out in a report of the Court of Auditors on the delays recorded within the framework of the project ” ” Al-Hoceima: Manarat Al Moutawassit “ , report published on October 24, 2017.

Youssef Ait Akdim, “Hakima Al-Haite:“ I am proud to see the emergence of an environmental conscience in Morocco ”,” Le Monde , July 12, 2016 ( read online [ archive ]) .

There is a lady specializing in this kind of work, she worked 22 hours, that’s what she said when she was Secretary of State for Pollution of Morocco, she found and created work and jobs in cemeteries for The funeral she is the only Person in charge in the world who is responsible for the environment and a Member of the world ecology organization and at the same time she was serving as a cleaning lady of chemical garbage and hospitals of ‘Italy, France and Europe and they were important to poison our life or that in Jorf Lasfar near the city where I am born, this lady who also cleans the look and the face with Botox to such an extent that ‘she swelled up her lips, cheeks and something else, her ugliness became so swollen that she no longer saw the beauty of nature around her, she wanted to inject Botox in Doukkala and became so annoying that ‘she defended her action as if our nature in Doukkala and elsewhere is an open trash can and rack for European hazardous waste

I think that since then this woman is on the sidelines, she needs to retrain, and to find a professional freshness and operational clarity, so why not give her a second chance to show us how she spends 22 hours in the day to make the Grande Femme du Menage International where she has already made herself distinguished and they even thought at a certain point of nominating her for the Nobel Prize for Ministerial Responsibility.

MADAME LA MARQUISE HAKIMA EL HAITI IS THE FIRST WOMAN TO WIN THIS WORLD TROPHY

EVER IN THE HISTORY OF THIS MODERN WORLD A MINISTER OF THE ENVIRONMENT HAS BECOME AN INSTRUMENT OF POLLUTION: Transforming its own country in and open Garbage and Trash Can for Chemical and other infected waste.

Welcome to the Food Supply Chain Management: Liberalism Nourishing Doukkala and Morocco:

If you start to get tired of listening and reading stories and writings on the pollution of Doukkala, it is that your breathing is already polluted and that you no longer have the patience to resist the injustices done to our children and to those that the air and the lands of Doukkala will carry across ages and horizons to affect and afflict your environment with contaminations that will be absorbed by animals and be reproduced in the Doukkala eco-system even at the level of ants and cicadas.Madame la Marquise Hakima El Haite is the spearhead of this rampant strategy of destroying the environment by introducing disruptive and destructive elements such as waste to reduce the natural renewal capacity of the ecosystem that ultimately will so altered that pollination and crop growth become dependent on the provision, introduction and use of new chemical and agro-food farming methods. At this point, the chemical-food companies will be rubbing their hands to receive such a windfall without having to fund any deterrent campaign as was the case in California and explain below.

These bins that you see around the city of El Jadida and elsewhere in Moroccan cities are overflowing and overflowing with the remains and waste of such a deterioration in the living conditions and nutrition of the population suddenly become dependent on the big surfaces and food products bloated with chemical, artificial and technologically manufactured ingredients and robotically designed.

Time Bombs Food Time Bombs

Once this task accomplished by the Marchioness, Doukkala and contaminated food products must require treatment so it’s a double windfall for large bio-tech companies and multinational food, a new market éloan has absorbed their food waste, the food by-products of which the North American and South American populations see their level of diabetes and their obesity dimension multiply every day thus becoming the tenants of emergency rooms and pharmacies which paradoxically are located one next to the other, often in the same neighborhood and even under the same roof. This is the case of supermarkets which actually sell food with natural flavors while the labeling claims that it is made only with natural products. These same supermarket home has just cost é these supernatural goods pharmacies, so the health ed double-edged for patients and for all food-including those who puff their own health.

It is this heritage that Madame La Marquise wants to bequeath to you and let the children of your children inherit while she; she will retire on golden cushions, she will write her memoirs as an international housekeeper who worked 22 hours a day to pollute Morocco and that according to her own televised statements as shown in this collection of photos, and she will be hired by companies from the countries to which it has served by getting rid of their excess waste and planting it as a flowering seed of pollution in Doukkala.

SUNDAY, JULY 17, 2016 AT 2 AM – 5 AM PDT

Tous_contre_l_importation_des_déchets_au_maroc

Rabat, Morocco Tous_contre_l_importation_des_déchets_au_maroc

Details 1.2K people responded Event by FORUM DU Maghreb and Oumaima Maliari Rabat, Morocco Duration: 3 hr Public · PROTESTATION PACIFIQUE ORGANISÉ PAR LES ASSOCIATIONS DE DEFENSE SUR LES DROITS ENVIRONNEMENTAUX DES CITOYENS DEVANT LE PARLEMENT MAROCAIN Rabat, Morocco – https://www.facebook.com/events/1625924377735936/

” Al Hoceima Manarat Al Moutawassit” for details read the analysis in this link :

Report of the Court of Auditors – The accounts renderings on the dysfunction, the State of the Advancement and Empowerment of Local Authorities in Rif the Management and Completion of Local and Regional Projects

https://mazaganmagazine.wordpress.com/2019/08/05/driss-jettou/

Said El Mansour Cherkaoui shared a post to the group: Alyassar Almaghribi .
August 23, 2017 ·

ARTIFICIAL FEEDING, CHEMICAL AND GENETICS: OMG AND CANCER DOUKKALA – MOROCCO

These bins you see around the city of El Jadida and elsewhere in Moroccan cities are full to overflowing and bursting leftovers and waste such a deterioration in the living and nutritional conditions of the population suddenly become dependent on supermarkets and food products bloated with chemical, artificial and technologically manufactured and robotically designed ingredients.
Time Bombs, Time Bombs

RIPOSTE AND ALTENATIVE:

A solution that is affordable and not costly but just requires continued attention:

Plant your own vegetables and fruit to start,
Organize communities and have a piece of land to use as places to plant organic products.
There is a whole series of alternatives which can give the citizens aware of these dangers an opportunity to mobilize and to create avenues and methods to thwart these invasions of chemicals.
Organize campaigns of denunciation and sensitization of the popular masses.
Make sure that stores and producers listen to such oppositions and make sure that we buy more these products which hurt and make sick the most vulnerable populations.
Require labeling with what is in the product as artificial elements and GMOs and so on.
Launch periodic boycott campaigns coupled with a denunciation of products with OMG and artificial ingredients and origins and demonstrate their harmful impact.

A whole program of pressure on all those who import, distribute and sell these products, including the small local grocer as well as the large distributor of the periphery.

All this is not easy and is not within the reach of the individual but you have to make up your mind, you want to remain rabbits and rats as guinea pigs in the laboratories or you want to live a life worthy of a sovereign citizen.

The strengthening of the bases of democracy begins and is limited to the construction of a social response to any abuse and I believe food is what brings everyone together and that without a political, ideological or even institutional label.
Food is the basis of the community, it is the link through which emotion is shared and it is the place where human health is expressed.

While our Officials and Governments of Political Parties continue to sing you of mistakes serenades and lie to you in the face which makes them like this caricature that I am putting to you here below:

We all know these difficulties and these insurmountable obstacles and it is everywhere the same thing except in varying degrees of height and depth and extent, nothing is easy and nothing is granted to lethargy

We always talk about what the others do not, but I have never read here among the Jdidis and the Doukkalais and Doukkalaises a detailed description of what we are doing to change things

Here in the United States and I know that the United States is the first power in the world and that California is the 7th power in the world, and so on, Here in Oakland, where I live is worse, 40 to 50 million dollars to put down a run-off initiative and to vote just to have OMG labeling on food products, nothing else. Just put it on the boxes.

Food and beverage companies have picked up a war chest against this initiative which was the result of a beaten election campaign in California but it has caught on in other states and now many companies are posting on their products OMG.

Despite this armada of 40 million dollars and this is just what is declared without taking into account the services rendered friends friends between the companies which financed this counter-offensive: despite this, we mobilized and we faced even but we tried and the rest of the other states and activists from other communities took over since California was the first victim of this coalition of multinational chemical, genetic, artificial and robotic food companies.

Dr. Cherkaoui 30th Anniversary on Teaching European Economic Community at Golden Gate University

European Commission – European Commission

David Fike – President of Golden Gate University, San Francisco, California.

Dr. Cherkaoui 30th Anniversary on Teaching the First Course on EEC in the Entire History of Golden Gate University

Celebrating 30 years of my research and my course at Golden Gate University as we mark the 30th anniversary of the Single Market, this cornerstone of European integration remains as relevant as ever as my contribution to the advance of knowledge on the European Economic Community in the Bay Area of San Francisco and beyond.

In 1991-1992, I published an extract of my research on EEC 1992 and the European Monetary System at the Golden Gate University‘s Magazine “Connection” et created for the first time in the History of this institution a course on EEC 1992. I have also conducted an interview with an European Commissaire visiting the Law School of Berkeley and had him come to the class to present to the students his perspective on the Construction of the Single European Market.

During the same course, we compared the preparation of NAFTA in North America with the rest of the Market Integration taking place in Europe.

Here are excerpts of my publications on these two parallel topics.

Dr. Said El Mansour Cherkaoui Early Two Disctinct Research and Publications on the European Economic Community and the North American Free Trade Agreement.

Dr. Cherkaoui had also Taught these topics as Two Graduate Courses at the School of Business, Golden Gate University in the year of 1992

Blue Europe is still Going, Going, Going and Energizing on the Road Again

European Central Bank Challenged by Eurozone, Euro, Inflation and Recession

Said El Mansour Cherkaoui – Oct 3, 2022

25 years of euro unity

Christine Lagarde President of the European Central Bank 53 articles Following May 23, 2023 On 1 June 1998, the European Central Bank was established to prepare for the launch of the euro – the world’s largest ever currency changeover. As a lawyer at the time, I remember how frantically we were revising contracts based on foreign … Continue reading

Redefining Banking Globalization

Mar 20, 2023 Said El Mansour Cherkaoui – Dear Readers and Friends: It is our pleasure to share with you this Dossier – Analytical Study addressing the present challenge of the financial system and the banking sector which we have titled: “Redefining Banking Globalization” Which we present it to you in the form and content as: “Dossier – Analytical Study on Cranked Globalization, Tossed Financial Capitalism, Derailed Banking System“. Your comments and suggestions are always welcomed. Please feel free to share our publications with your colleagues, acquaintances and family members including your neighbors. Thank you for your support. … Continue reading

Analyse de BRICS sans y ajouter aucune Brique

La prééminence des banques britanniques telles que Barings et Rothschild Maison de courtage et des banquiers qui retracent leurs profits dans le commerce des armes contingent du commerce mercantiliste du colonialisme ibérique en Amérique latine. Le changement de l’épicentre du commerce mondial avait provoqué des pertes fonctionnelles continuelles à ces systèmes bancaires et monétaires identifiés dans la prétention de domination et de conquête impériale. Ces changements ont été promulgués d’abord par les courtisanes de la Couronne britannique de Grande-Bretagne qui ont promu l’École classique de pensées économiques qui ont abordé la valeur et l’argent avec Adam Smith et David Ricardo qui ont suscité la réponse de Karl Marx, … Lire la suite

Monetary Kamikaze Operation by the European Central Bank

Said El Mansour Cherkaoui – Global Public Relations Manager at Tate Yoko Research Institute – TRIGlobal Public Relations Manager at Tate Yoko Research Institute – TRI One of the results of Operation Kamikaze taken by the European Central Bank President Christine Lagarde who following consultative meeting with the International Monetary Fund’s President, she insisted that … Continue reading

Monetary Policy Process

“Monetary policy is to orient economic activity by regularizing the money supply “ Monetarism, Liberalism and Globalization: US Reactions and Coronavirus Clashes The Aftermath of Coronavirus? Is this a Mathematical Formula or New Readings of Economic State Intervention? Where is the Invisible Hand of the Market? A second lecture more sincere of the works of … Continue reading

Shaping New World Economy: Inflation, Recession, Protectionism and Arm Race

Liberal Rooting for Inflation and Roots of Recession

European Central Bank Challenged by Eurozone, Euro, Inflation and Recession

Dossier: Eurozone, Euro, Inflation and European Central Bank

Europa Energizing Africa

European Union and Russian Oil Embargo !

Global Finance against Global Energy Mark et !

European Central Bank Challenged by Eurozone, Euro, Inflation and Recession

**October 17, 2022 Said El Mansour Cherkaoui**

Monetary Kamikaze Operation by the European Central Bank

**October 16, 2022 Said El Mansour Cherkaoui**

Evolution of the European Union

September 17, 2022 Said El Mansour Cherkaoui

European Union

**August 5, 2022 Said El Mansour Cherkaoui**

EUROPE

Globaloganization of Renault Development Strategy

**February 20, 2023 Said El Mansour Cherkaoui**

Said El Mansour Cherkaoui Research – Publication: NAFTA to CUSMA

**February 16, 2023 Said El Mansour Cherkaoui**

Japan New Multilateral Defense Strategy: Sun Rising in the West, Fear on Pacific Coasts, Ghost in Skies

Transparent Defense Alliance and Collaborative Arm Race to Prevent Guilt by Association and through Partnership to Control the Air and the seas: Talk Peace and Prepare for War

Japan is still in the making trying to recover from the downturn of the 1990’s.

As we say in French, Japan is still inside of the Mill: “On n’est pas encore sorti du moulin”

Japan still carries the dust of the past and the international environment and the regional geostrategic challenges are also adding more dust on the horizon of the Japanese Sun that instead of being a Rising Sun, it is just trying to shed light on its own lands and operations.

In response to the current global security climate, Japan is formulating a new national security strategy and updating policies that will boost defense spending. Kishida noted that this will open the doors for further cooperation with Japan’s allies and international partners.

Best of Good Luck to Japan and its Valeureux – Brave People

Best wishes of success.

Threats in the Pacific Cementing Force: China in the sea and North Korea in the air

On Nov. 25, 2022, a Chinese coast guard vessel equipped with the largest cannon ever seen on such a vessel entered Japanese territorial waters near the Senkaku Islands in the East China Sea. Two ships entered Japanese territorial waters around 2:35 a.m. Friday. M Around 10 am, two more arrived, one with a 76 mm gun. A total of four Chinese Coast Guard vessels, including the vessel, were discovered in waters off uninhabited islands controlled by Tokyo that are also claimed by Beijing, the Japanese Coast Guard said. The latest incident came just days after Prime Minister Fumio Kishida and Chinese President Xi Jinping held their first summit since 2019.

In October 2022, North Korea launches a nuclear-capable ballistic missile at Japan, triggering evacuation alerts for Japanese citizens. The event was one of five missile tests conducted by Pyongyang over a 10-day period, a week after the United States, South Korea and Japan conducted joint military exercises in the region. China also sends its ships to pass between the island of Japan and the region around Taiwan.

Japan has been strengthening cooperation with NATO for just over a decade to discuss common security challenges and strengthen defense cooperation. The country took part in a NATO summit for the first time when Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida attended the Alliance 2022 event in Madrid.

“As the international community stands at a crossroads in history, the participation of NATO’s Asia-Pacific partners, including Japan, in the NATO Summit expresses the realization that the security of Europe and of the Indo-Pacific is inseparable,” Kishida said during a speech at the summit.

Kishida signaled that Japan is looking to deepen its relationship with NATO further as a result of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and ongoing challenges in the Indo-Pacific.

The emergence of virtual and cyber space as contested environments creates new opportunities for cooperation between Japan and NATO members. Technological sectors where collaboration can be asynchronous beyond the limitations and challenges imposed by a single geographical distance.

Japan’s Defense Ministry requested more than $40 billion for the fiscal year 2023 budget, the largest amount in the country’s history. The order had more than 100 wish list items, but there were no specific funding amounts. These numbers will come after the doctrine is published, according to budget documents.

The order identified seven main areas of defense modernization priorities: stand-off defense, air and missile defense, unmanned vehicles, inter-domain operations, command and control, logistics, and sustainment capabilities.

The technologies are not dissimilar to some of the high-visibility NATO projects currently being developed by member and partner countries, including multinational command and control systems, multi-mission seaplanes, unmanned warships for the removal of mines, tracking submarines and a land-based modular system. air defense system.

Japan has been trying to achieve interoperability with NATO in recent years. For example, the country participated in the committee charged with promoting arms cooperation called the Conference of National Arms Managers, said Liviu Lazare, NATO’s industrial relations coordinator.

Since the organization is responsible for joint capability requirements for systems across the Alliance, Lazar said during the event, “the organization is an essential tool for achieving interoperability of NATO forces.” It also allows partner countries, such as Japan, to collaborate on research teams and projects.

Therefore, this transnational alliance in defense building will also require the training and combination of the respective air forces of the UK, Italy, Japan and now with India as the next partner for this global appeal against poverty once it is launched. the fighter jet has flown across the Pacific and joined. the Mediterranean and the North Sea in the Atlantic Ocean.

Speaking of the Atlantic, what is Japan’s position regarding the capabilities and scope of the NATO air force?

The Next Step Toward NATO is Collaboration with Its Members

Britain and Japan have been building a defense relationship for a while.

That work resulted last December in the two sides agreeing to develop a fighter jet engine demonstrator. The UK MoD is also supporting Japan in the delivery of their Joint New Air-to-Air Missile (JNAAM) program.

Dec 10, 2022 — Through the Global Combat Air Program, United Kingdom and Italy are in collaboration with Japan in a project aimed jointly at building a next-generation stealth jet fighter by 2035.

Japan, UK & Italy to build fighter jet together – YouTube

British Prime Minister Rishi Sunak said in a statement providing security for Britain with programs like GCAP was vital. Mr. Sunak declared that: “We need to stay at the cutting-edge of advancements in defence technology – outpacing and out-maneuvering those who seek to do us harm. The international partnership we have announced today with Italy and Japan aims to do just that, underlining that the security of the Euro-Atlantic and Indo-Pacific regions are indivisible.”

Britain and Italy have previously collaborated in early development work on their own future combat air project, while Japan has been pursuing its next-generation F-X program.

If Global Combat Air Programme (GCAP) goes ahead it will be the biggest Japanese-European defense cooperation program ever undertaken.

For the moment there is no mention of whether Sweden remains interested in joining the program.

The three governments said that GCAP will “deepen our defense cooperation, science and technology collaboration, integrated supply chains, and further strengthen” the shared defense industrial base. “Importantly, the program will support the sovereign capability of all three countries to design, deliver and upgrade cutting-edge combat air capabilities, well into the future,” said the statement.

Japan and United States Renewal of Allied Rapprochement

U.S.-JAPAN-RELATIONS-IN-AN-ERA-OF-ECONOMIC-STATECRAFT-NOV-2022

U.S.-JAPAN-RELATIONS-IN-AN-ERA-OF-ECONOMIC-STATECRAFT-NOV-2022 Download

Japan Diplomacy

Bibliographical Notes:

China warns Australia to ‘be careful’ of Japan – January 10, 2023

Move over, Tempest: Japan pact takes UK-Italy fighter plan ‘global’ – December 9, 2022

UK, Italy and Japan team up for new fighter jet – BBC News – December 9, 2022

Japan Seeks Deeper Defense Ties with NATO – December 6, 2022

Evolution of the European Union

The European Union was created in 1993 as the most recent of a progression of institutions that embody a vision of regional integration laid out in a 1946 speech by Winston Churchill: “I see no reason why, under the leadership of the world organization, there should not ultimately arise the United States of Europe, both those of the East and those of the West, which will unify this Continent in a manner never known since the fall of the Roman Empire, and within which all its peoples may dwell together in prosperity, in justice, and in peace.”(3)

For nearly fifty years this image has guided a regional integration effort that has widened from six to fifteen nations and deepened from a narrow technical focus to an ambitious social, political, and economic agenda. The Treaty of Paris, signed in 1951 by France, Germany, Italy, Belgium, the Netherlands, and Luxembourg, founded the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC).(4) The treaty not only pooled and centralized the production of coal and steel, it also introduced the High Authority, the Council of Ministers, the Court of Justice, and the Parliamentary Assembly, all of which remain part of the institutional framework of the much broader EU [that] has subsequently evolved.

The Treaty of Rome, signed in 1957 by the same six nations, established the European Atomic Energy Community (EURATOM), and the European Economic Community (EEC), which greatly expanded the scope of the ECSC treaty by calling for the dissolution of barriers dividing Europe, the improvement and equalization of living and working standards, the abolition of restrictions on international trade, the removal of obstacles to concerted action among governments, and the enhancement of peace and liberty through closer relations among states. In 1967, the executives of these three European communities were merged. The Single European Act, which went into effect in 1987, was designed to create by 1992 the “single European market” that had been envisioned in the Treaty of Rome but had not been realized, “an area without internal frontiers in which the free movement of goods, persons, services and capitals is ensured”. In 1993 the Treaty on European Union, signed at Maastricht the previous year, entered into force, renaming the expanding web of institutions the European Union.(5) This institutional structure is increasingly state-like with legislative, executive, and judicial branches (Parliament, Commission, Council of Ministers, and Court of Justice); economic institutions (Investment Bank, Central Bank, and Court of Auditors); and a variety of institutions that provide representation for the interests of various groups (Economic and Social Committee, Environmental Agency, Committee on Regions, Ombudsman, and many others). Meanwhile, Britain, Ireland, and Denmark had become members in 1973; Greece in 1981; Portugal and Spain in 1986; and Austria, Finland, and Sweden in 1995. As of 1999, eleven additional countries have applied for EU membership and several others have reached trade agreements with the EU which give them some of the advantages of membership.

Despite this growth, the future of the EU itself remains somewhat uncertain, because considerable opposition has arisen in many member countries as integration has deepened. A long-standing objection of critics is that European integration implies a substantial abdication of national sovereignty because it requires that national law be brought into accordance with EU law and because regional institutions are slowly eclipsing national ones as governing bodies. In fact, the Treaty on European Union was initially rejected by a national referendum in one member country and survived very close votes in several others. Its most controversial elements were the call for a common defense policy and, especially, a monetary union with a single currency that would replace national ones.

It has long been apparent that the continuing liberalization of trade in Europe required a considerably more stable monetary arrangement than the system of freely floating exchange rate that had existed among all developed countries since the demise of the fixed exchange rate system of Bretton Woods in the early 1970s. The most recent attempt at stabilization, the introduction of the currency called the euro, is discussed in greater detail later on. It illustrates that the dilemmas involved in trade, especially those concerning national sovereignty, carry over into the monetary arrangements required to facilitate it. Because of this concern over national sovereignty, not all the EU nations have joined the euro arrangement. Furthermore, because EU members fear that such intensive ties to nations with weaker economies would introduce too much instability, they established criteria for participation in the euro that many of the nations seeking EU membership would not meet. Regional integration is a strategy that attempts to maximize the benefits and minimize the costs of trade by very carefully selecting partners in trade and in the institutions that must accompany it.

The Mercantilist Roots of the EU

The presence of trade diversion makes it clear why outside nations typically see the mercantilist face of regional integration rather than its liberal face, which is turned inward. From their standpoint, regionalism not only furthers the classical mercantilist goal of protecting domestic industry, it does so through a classical mercantilist melding of foreign policy concerns with economic aims. Rather than erect trade barriers against all foreign competitors equally, the EU discriminates against nations outside the region, often because they are seen as a threat.

Indeed, from its beginnings, European unification has accelerated whenever threats from outside have been perceived. The early EC was designed to protect Europe against the Soviet military threat posed by a large army and aggressive doctrine as well as the American economic threat posed by large productive capacity and expansionist marketing plans. The Single Market initiative culminating in 1992.

Carlo DiBenedetti called it “a deadline not to be dead” was energized by the economic threat of rapidly growing productivity in Asia and the resulting “Euro-pessimism.” Again we see that nations turn in a mercantilist direction when their industries fear more competitive firms abroad and when their states fear the rising power of rivals. The EU’s goals are no different than those of Queen Elizabeth’s sixteenth-century industrial development or Japan’s postwar export promotion: its uniqueness lies in the regional emphasis of its mercantilism, which can be seen most clearly by contrasting liberal and mercantilist viewpoints on trade diversion.

Whereas liberal theory disapproves of trade diversion because it compromises efficiency, mercantilism finds it perfectly acceptable if it helps to achieve other national goals. Since many values and goals conflict with efficiency, nations may prefer to trade with one country rather than another for several reasons. First, a nation may divert trade in order to benefit an economy whose resulting prosperity produces greater side benefits for it. For example, for reasons of physical proximity and economic integration, Germany is much more likely to gain from the prosperity of France than it is from the prosperity of a nation–for example, Japan or the United States–that is thousands of miles away.

Second, trade diversion under regional integration is reciprocated: Germany diverts its trade toward France, and in exchange, France diverts its trade toward Germany. Third, most European nations are more comfortable with depending upon other Europeans than upon Japan or even the United States. Not only do they share more security concerns with their European neighbors but they also have more common views on issues that always arise in trade matters (e.g., dilemmas involving job security, welfare arrangements, and environmental protection). Furthermore, they can create regional institutions such as those of the EU to cope with whatever conflict may stem from differences in how they respond to trade dilemmas.

The liberal roots of the EU

Despite these undeniable mercantilist motivations, the EU is also deeply rooted in liberal ideas, especially the gains from trade promised by Ricardian theory. For example, the Cecchini report (1988) was instrumental in gathering support for the Single Market initiative by estimating trade gains resulting in a 35 percent boost in GDP. However, gains from specialization and enhanced competition are not the only benefits of the EU seen by liberal theorists.

Economies of scale, which have always been a strong motivation for the smaller countries of Europe, were especially visible in the ECSC. Because steelmaking requires large-scale plants and equipment that are efficient only when producing large volumes of output, a steel industry could never emerge in a small country unless a firm could be guaranteed access to the larger European market. The ECSC provided that guarantee in the form of the pledges by European governments not to interfere with free trade in these goods. The result was a key industry with production facilities scattered among different countries, each dependent on other nations to provide both demand for the final product and part of the supply capacity. A side benefit of this arrangement was the fulfillment of the liberal dream of an interdependence that would prevent war by making it suicidal.

In fact, the EU’s economic institutions were constructed for a political purpose. The mission of European integration, as stated in the preamble to the ECSC treaty, is to “substitute for age-old rivalries the merger of their essential interests; to create, by establishing an economic community, the basis for a broader and deeper community among peoples long divided by bloody conflicts; and to lay the foundations for institutions which will give direction to a destiny henceforward shared.” Thus, the ECSC was an innovative form of peace treaty, designed, in the words of Robert Schuman, to “make it plain that any war between France and Germany becomes, not merely unthinkable, but materially impossible.” In the aftermath of two devastating wars in the previous thirty years–which more conventional tools of international politics such as the European balance of power, the League of Nations, and international law could not prevent–European nations were willing to tolerate the erosion of national autonomy and self-sufficiency implied by interdependence in order to weaken the nationalism that had provoked so much violence.

The Political Roots of the European Union

Throughout its history, European integration has been seen as a means of escaping the liberal and mercantilist horns of trade dilemmas by providing a regional level of governance to deal with common problems that no single nation could solve. For example, the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP), born in 1962, embraced a concern with the distributional dilemma of trade that would have been at home in parliamentary debates of the eighteenth century: Its goals included “the assurance that those working in agriculture will enjoy a standard of living comparable to that enjoyed by workers in other sectors.” Because it was evident as early as 1951 that this motivation implied an ambitious institutional design, the Treaty of Paris went well beyond limited economic objectives to create the executive and legislative institutions that remain at the heart of the contemporary EU. Later, the Treaty of Rome’s social and political provisions–which included the creation of the Economic and Social Committee to provide a strong voice for workers, employers, consumers, and academics–made the EC much more than a mechanism for advancing free trade.

These arrangements were a direct outgrowth of the values and theories that influenced national economic policies in Europe, especially where working-class political parties of the left came to power – Labour in Britain, Social Democrats in Germany and Scandinavia, and Socialists in France, Italy, and Spain. Rooted in powerful trade union movements, those parties embraced values of egalitarianism that emphasized the welfare and security of workers and shared the conviction that it was safer to entrust these goals to the state than to free markets. They erected welfare states to provide institutional protection against the vagaries of markets that were quite distinct from the more laissez-faire arrangements in the United States. For example, vacations, maternity leave, and health insurance, which are all voluntary fringe benefits in the United States, are determined by law in most EU states.

Furthermore, because some constitutions list the right to work among human rights, the ability of firms to hire and fire workers is sharply constrained. When European national governments spend an average of 25 percent of GDP on social protection, it is hardly a surprise that an agreement to increase trade would include a provision to compensate those who would lose in the resulting dislocations. Indeed, the Social Fund, created in 1951 to finance worker retraining and relocation necessitated by the ECSC and now charged with aiding trade-damaged geographic regions, has become the second largest expenditure in the EU budget (behind agriculture).

The dilemmas posed by exchange-rate policy

Since the collapse of the European Monetary System’s Exchange Rate Mechanism(ERM) in 1992, exchange-rate policy has been at the center of the trade dilemmas concerning national sovereignty that have threatened to derail further integration. As traditional trade barriers have diminished, the trade-dampening effects of a system of multiple currencies have acquired increasing visibility. The most obvious effects are the simple transaction costs associated with currency exchanges: A consumer purchasing goods made in another country must pay the costs of exchanging the currency of his or her country for that of the nation in which the good was produced. Some costs are direct and visible, as when tourists pay a fee to a foreign-exchange broker; others are born by businesses and passed along invisibly to consumers. In the mid-1990s, currency conversion alone cost European business $15 billion per year, and transaction costs associated with currency exchanges have been estimated to waste 2 percent of the value of trade. Firms also had to maintain accounting systems and bank balances in several currency units simultaneously and cope with multiple currencies in legal contracts, taxation, and strategic planning.

Moreover, when currencies are traded freely in foreign exchange markets, natural variations in supply and demand cause their values to fluctuate unpredictably, sometimes in wild swings of sentiment. This uncertainty concerning future currency valuations represented a major risk for businesses trying to operate across the European market. Long-term production and marketing plans were complicated because firms could not predict costs and revenues that were denominated in different currencies. In particular, firms feared that an increase in the value of their nation’s currency would leave them suddenly uncompetitive elsewhere. This risk discouraged trade because firms preferred to plan for the relative predictability of their domestic market. Indeed, as tariff rates among European economies declined, this system of floating currencies came to have a greater trade-dampening effect than traditional trade barriers.

Thus, as a logical extension of the desire to increase trade, a single European currency to replace the fifteen national currencies has been a long-term goal of the EU for more than two decades. However, nations have strongly resisted giving up central elements of their national sovereignty: the rights to issue currency, to profit from the creation of a monetary asset, and to manage the economy by controlling the money supply. Any state harboring even a modicum of the mercantilist inclination to influence the economy–and all states do–would find the ceding of monetary policy to a regional authority an uncomfortable prospect. Moreover, a single currency would not be feasible until the various economies converged into a single market with similar levels of growth, inflation, and interest rates.

In the meantime, a less ambitious strategy was followed that preserved national currencies but restrained changes in their relative valuation. Early steps included a short-lived system of fixed exchange rates dubbed “the snake in the tunnel” in the mid-1970s. The European Monetary System (EMS), which launched the European currency unit (ECU) and included the Exchange Rate Mechanism (ERM), began operation in 1979. EU nations that joined the ERM pledged to maintain currency valuations within a mandated range much like a regional version of the fixed exchange-rate system created under Bretton Woods.

Whenever the value of their currency drifted beyond its agreed upon bounds, they were obligated to use foreign-exchange reserves to buy or sell currency until supply and demand were once again in balance at the accepted value. When such actions were ineffective, however, governments were further bound to alter domestic interest rates or other macroeconomic policies in order to stabilize the values of their currencies. It was expected that national economic policies and conditions would eventually converge, thus minimizing exchange-rate volatility and the need for governments to take extraordinary action to maintain their treaty obligations. In fact, however, different economic conditions in different countries–especially trade deficits, inflation, and interest rates inclined foreign exchange markets to push the value of national currencies in different directions. Furthermore, because the priorities of different governments conflict, they often adopt policies that become incompatible with their obligation to maintain stable exchange rates. Thus, monetary integration poses the dilemmas of national sovereignty and value trade-offs, which is why only seven nations joined the ERM at its inception, while three others joined more than ten years later.

These dilemmas were brought home even more dramatically in fall 1992 when the ERM shattered and the prospects for further European integration consequently dimmed. At the time, Germany was suffering high inflation while struggling to unify formerly communist East Germany with capitalist West Germany. To restrain further price increases, German monetary authorities maintained high interest rates to slow the economy’s growth. Meanwhile, both Britain and Italy, which were suffering high unemployment, sought low interest rates in order to accelerate growth. However, this disparity in interest rates induced British and Italian investors to transfer capital into Germany. As they sold investments denominated in the lira and the pound, the decreased demand for those currencies drove down their values while the higher yielding Deutsche mark increased in value.

Under the terms of the ERM, Britain was required to sustain the pound at a value above 2.78 Deutsche marks (DM), and Italy was bound to maintain a value of 1,000 lira at DM1.30. As the German central bank refused to lower its interest rates, both the pound and lira drifted to the bottom of their legal bands and finally sank beneath them. Britain spent more than $15 billion (half its total foreign-exchange reserves) to support the pound, and the Bundesbank spent nearly $50 billion to support the lira; but those sums were not enough. Italy was forced to acknowledge that it could not meet its treaty obligation to maintain the lira’s value and withdrew from the ERM. Britain raised interest rates from 10 percent to 15 percent in a last futile attempt to remain in conformity but eventually abandoned the effort and similarly withdrew from the ERM. The pound quickly fell to DM2.53 and the lira to DM1.18 per 1,000. The Spanish peseta was also devalued by 5 percent and the Irish punt and Portuguese escudo soon followed. A few months later, the French franc was supported by over $10 billion of intervention in a single afternoon before the effort was abandoned. The ERM collapsed in a hail of recriminations that undermined faith in the ability of the EU to simultaneously accomplish region wide goals while respecting differences in national-level priorities.

The ERM had succumbed to the same forces that had doomed the fixed exchange rate system of Bretton Woods twenty years before large capital flows that would destabilize currency values unless counter-acted by policies that were politically unacceptable. It also foreshadowed the Asian financial crisis five years later, which is described in the following chapter. Economists refer to this interaction among interest rates, exchange rates, and capital flows as the Mundell-Fleming constraint: A nation cannot simultaneously maintain unrestrained capital flows, a stable exchange rate, and independent monetary policy. Yet, the EU was committed to the free movement of capital by the Single European Act, the ERM mandated stable exchange rates, and domestic constituencies demanded monetary policies suitable to the unemployment and inflation conditions in their own country. In effect, to maintain the stable exchange rates that sustained free trade required nations to abandon the freedom to choose policies that would satisfy other goals, such as the reunification of Germany or the control of unemployment in Italy. Faced with this clear dilemma of national sovereignty, several governments chose policy independence over the regional arrangement to encourage trade.

In August 1993, the first attempt to rebuild the ERM acknowledged the Mundell-Fleming constraint, but accepted the primacy of national sovereignty. Nations were required to maintain their currencies only within a very wide band of 15 percent on either side of their central target, virtually an unmanaged float in comparison to the previous stringent requirement of 2.25 percent. The benefits of exchange rate stability for expanding trade were thus sacrificed in this interim agreement so that governments could use monetary policy and even currency devaluations to better achieve domestic goals. But the fear of the disruptive impact of exchange rates that were permitted to move as much as 30% made this only a temporary expedient, chosen over two even less attractive options.

The first, a return to a real fixed exchange rate system, was incompatible with independent monetary policy, even if it could be accomplished in the face of large scale flows of capital. The need for independent monetary policy could be minimized, of course, if economic conditions were similar across all countries. But to more closely align economic conditions implied even greater constraint on the policies that produced them (the budget deficits that produced inflation, for example) and even greater sacrifice of national sovereignty.

The second option, the preliminary plans for which had been underway for some time, was to proceed with full monetary union by adopting a single currency. This too required policy coordination, especially with respect to budget deficits which could now produce inflation community-wide, and sacrificed even more national sovereignty because it eliminated all independent monetary policy. However, this single currency option, later to evolve into the euro, not only offered a more permanent solution to exchange rate instability, it also transformed the national sovereignty problem that most irritated the French. France felt that the old ERM had degenerated into a system in which Germany would use its monetary policy to achieve its own goals –such as unification and the control of inflation–while the pressures of that decision would require that all other ERM members use its monetary policy to keep a stable link with the D-mark. Thus, Germany benefitted from a system that was being sustained by the sacrifice of national sovereignty by all the others. If European nations were to sacrifice economic independence, they preferred that it be surrendered to an independent Central Bank rather than to a long-time political, military and economic rival such as Germany.

So was born the European Monetary Institute, established in 1994, to be transformed into the European Central Bank in January 1999.

The European Central Bank

The European Central Bank‘s mission was to issue a single currency, the euro, and thus to determine monetary policy for the entire region. The Euro was launched as an accounting unit on January 1,1999 with 11 of the 15 EU nations participating (all but Britain, Sweden, Denmark, and Greece). Euro notes and coins are to be issued on January 1, 2002, and all national currencies of the participating countries will cease to be legal tender on July 1, 2002.

Such an unprecedented ceding of autonomy over monetary policy entailed major risks that required careful selection criteria of participating nations and strict limitations on the economic policies that could be enacted by them subsequently. Without monetary policies to insulate the national economies from the conditions prevailing in others, inflation and high interest rates induced by a budget deficit in one country could quickly spread to the others, for example. Thus, the Maastricht agreement established criteria for entry, the most constraining of which were that the budget deficit must be under 3% of GDP, the national debt under 60% of GDP, and inflation under 3.2%. In fact, these criteria were relaxed, with most nations qualifying only after obvious accounting tricks, but the effort to meet them did have a substantial constraining effect on national policies. Even more constraining is the “stability and growth pact” which requires that all participants continue to observe the 3% limit on budget deficits or face substantial fines.

In democracies where tax and expenditure levels are fiercely debated, the imposition of external controls undermines the ability of citizens to determine the most important policies of their governments. Moreover, the treaty explicitly forbids the European Central Bank to “seek or take instructions from Community institutions or bodies, from any government of a member state or from any other body”. These arrangements may also unwisely prevent national governments from stimulating the economy during recession, a concern given greater weight by the statutory goal of the ECB. Unlike the Federal Reserve in the United States, the ECB is not required to take employment or output levels into account, but only to maintain price stability, which it has defined as inflation under 2% a year. “In modern times, no major economy has hit such a target consistently over a run of years…

In short, a radically undemocratic institution has been charged to achieve, without compromise, an exceptionally demanding goal of virtually zero inflation”. And the public support for such a massive transformation in authority remains precarious, with the percentage of citizens reporting that they feel well informed about the EMU well under 50% in all eleven euro countries and under a third in eight of them.(9)

Clearly, the EU represents an extreme example of one resolution of the dilemma of national sovereignty raised by the desire to achieve the benefits of free trade. Of course, the EU has other goals as well, many of which are not shared by the regional integration schemes that have sprung up all over the world in partial emulation of the EU.

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Station F, the world’s largest startup campus opens in Paris

The world’s biggest startup campus is opening today in Paris’s 13th arrondissement. Based on a former railway depot known as LA Halle Freyssinet, the 34,000m2 space will accommodate more than 1,000 startups and counts as founding partners companies such as Facebook and Microsoft. Station F is the biggest startup campus in the world, based in … Continue reading Station F, the world’s largest startup campus opens in Paris Khaleej Mag – News and Stories from Around the World

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Shaping European Digital Framework of Rights

Today, the Commission is proposing to the European Parliament and Council to sign up to a declaration of rights and principles that will guide the digital transformation in the EU.

The draft declaration on digital rights and principles aims to give everyone a clear reference point about the kind of digital transformation Europe promotes and defends. It will also provide a guide for policy makers and companies when dealing with new technologies. The rights and freedoms enshrined in the EU’s legal framework, and the European values expressed by the principles, should be respected online as they are offline. Once jointly endorsed, the Declaration will also define the approach to the digital transformation which the EU will promote throughout the world.

Executive Vice-President for a Europe Fit for the Digital Age, Margrethe Vestager, said: “We want safe technologies that work for people, and that respect our rights and values. Also when we are online. And we want everyone to be empowered to take an active part in our increasingly digitised societies. This declaration gives us a clear reference point to the rights and principles for the online world.”

Commissioner for the Internal Market, Thierry Breton, said: “We want Europeans to know: living, studying, working, doing business in Europe, you can count on top class connectivity, seamless access to public services, a safe and fair digital space. The declaration of digital rights and principles also establishes once and for all that what is illegal offline should also be illegal online. We also aim to promote these principles as a standard for the world.”

Rights and principles in the digital age

The draft declaration covers key rights and principles for the digital transformation, such as placing people and their rights at its centre, supporting solidarity and inclusion, ensuring the freedom of choice online, fostering participation in the digital public space, increasing safety, security and empowerment of individuals, and promoting the sustainability of the digital future.

These rights and principles should accompany people in the EU in their everyday life: affordable and high-speed digital connectivity everywhere and for everybody, well-equipped classrooms and digitally skilled teachers, seamless access to public services, a safe digital environment for children, disconnecting after working hours, obtaining easy-to-understand information on the environmental impact of our digital products, controlling how their personal data are used and with whom they are shared.

The declaration is rooted in EU law, from the Treaties to the Charter of Fundamental rights but also the case law of the Court of Justice. It builds on the experience of the European Pillar of Social Rights. Former European Parliament President David Sassoli promoted the idea of the access to the Internet as a new human right back in 2018. Promoting and implementing the principles set out in the declaration will be a shared political commitment and responsibility at both Union and Member State level within their respective competences. To make sure the declaration will have concrete effects on the ground, the Commission proposed in September to monitor progress, evaluate gaps and provide recommendations for actions through an annual report on the ‘State of the Digital Decade’.

Next Steps

The European Parliament and the Council are invited to discuss the draft declaration, and to endorse it at the highest level by this summer.

Background

On 9 March 2021, the Commission laid out its vision for Europe’s digital transformation by 2030 in its Communication on the Digital Compass: the European way for the Digital Decade. In September 2021, the Commission introduced a robust governance framework to reach the digital targets in the form of a Path to the Digital Decade. In a speech at the ‘Leading the Digital Decade’ event in Sines, Portugal, on 1 June 2021, Commission President Ursula von der Leyen declared: “We embrace new technologies. But we stand by our values.”

The Commission also conducted an open public consultation which showed broad support for European Digital Principles – 8 EU citizens out of 10 consider it useful for the European Union to define and promote a common European vision on digital rights and principles – as well as a special Eurobarometer survey. Yearly Eurobarometer surveys will collect qualitative data, based on citizens’ perception of how the digital principles enshrined in the declaration are implemented in the EU.

The declaration also builds on previous initiatives from the Council including the Tallinn Declaration on eGovernment, the Berlin Declaration on Digital Society and Value-based Digital Government, and the Lisbon Declaration – Digital Democr a cy with a Purpose for a model of digital transformation that strengthens the human dimension of the digital ecosystem with the Digital Single Market as its core.